Ram Prasad Bismil, revolutionary poet and Kakori conspiracy leader, hanged at Gorakhpur Jail on 19 December 1927
India · Asia

Ram Prasad Bismil

Ram Prasad Bismil was thirty years old when the British hanged him at Gorakhpur Jail on 19 December 1927. In those thirty years he had written poetry in Hindi and Urdu that generations of Indians would memorise and recite; had organised and led the Hindustan Republican Association's most audacious armed action — the robbery of a government train at Kakori in August 1925; had survived for eleven months as a fugitive while the colonial government mounted the largest manhunt in the United Provinces since 1857; had been tried in the Kakori Conspiracy Case alongside Ashfaqullah Khan and seventeen others; and had gone to the gallows with a composure that eye-witnesses described as total, reciting the verse with which he had become most identified — "Sarfaroshi ki tamanna ab hamare dil mein hai" — "The desire for self-sacrifice now burns in our hearts." The verse was not his own composition — it is attributed to Bismil Azimabadi, a different poet — but Bismil made it his, recited it, published it, and associated it so completely with his life and death that it passed into nationalist memory as inseparable from him. He wrote other verse that was unambiguously his: "Mera rang de basanti chola" — "Dye my shroud in saffron" — was sung at his execution. He was a revolutionary who was also a poet, a poet who was also a revolutionary, and the combination produced a figure whose significance in Indian cultural and political memory has only grown in the century since his death.

India Kakori Train Robbery Hindustan Republican Association Revolutionary Poet Sarfaroshi ki Tamanna

Born: 11 June 1897, Shahjahanpur, United Provinces, British India  |  Died (executed): 19 December 1927, Gorakhpur Jail, United Provinces, British India

At a Glance

Full NameRam Prasad Bismil (राम प्रसाद 'बिस्मिल'); pen names "Bismil" (meaning "wounded" or "slaughtered" in Urdu — a Sufi poetic convention), "Ram" and "Agyat" used for different genres and contexts
Born11 June 1897, Shahjahanpur, United Provinces, British India (now Uttar Pradesh) — into a Hindi-speaking Hindu family of modest means; educated locally; self-taught in Urdu and Persian; influenced by the Arya Samaj reform movement in his youth
Died19 December 1927 (executed), Gorakhpur District Jail, United Provinces, British India — aged 30; hanged on the same day as Ashfaqullah Khan (at Faizabad Jail) and Roshan Singh (at Allahabad Jail); Thakur Roshan Singh hanged the same day; Rajendra Lahiri hanged two days earlier on 17 December
RoleRevolutionary nationalist; poet and writer in Hindi and Urdu; founder and principal organiser, Hindustan Republican Association (HRA); planner and leader, Kakori train robbery, 9 August 1925; fugitive, August 1925 – October 1925; defendant, Kakori Conspiracy Case (1925–1927); convicted of robbery and murder; sentenced to death; executed 19 December 1927
Key ActionsBorn Shahjahanpur 1897; early religious and nationalist education; influenced by Arya Samaj; joined revolutionary circles in his teens; participated in early HRA activities; wrote revolutionary poetry and pamphlets; co-founded and organised the Hindustan Republican Association with Ashfaqullah Khan, Sachindra Nath Sanyal and others; planned and led the Kakori train robbery, 9 August 1925 — seizing government treasury funds from the No. 8 Down Train near Kakori station, United Provinces; evaded capture for approximately ten weeks; arrested October 1925; tried in the Kakori Conspiracy Case; convicted; sentenced to death; appeal dismissed; executed Gorakhpur Jail 19 December 1927; wrote autobiography while in prison; his poetry and writings published posthumously and continuously reprinted
LegacySarfaroshi ki Tamanna, with which he is most associated, has been sung at demonstrations, funerals, and independence day commemorations across India for a century; "Mera Rang De Basanti Chola" became one of the signature songs of the independence movement and remains widely sung; his autobiography, written in Gorakhpur Jail, is a primary document of the HRA and of the revolutionary nationalism of the 1920s; commemorated by Indian postage stamp (1968); Shahjahanpur has a memorial and museum in his honour; the Hindi literary tradition honours him as one of its significant early twentieth-century poets alongside his political significance; the 2006 film Rang De Basanti drew on the legacy he and his comrades created

Shahjahanpur: The Education of a Revolutionary Poet

Ram Prasad Bismil was born on 11 June 1897 in Shahjahanpur, a town in the United Provinces — now Uttar Pradesh — that was part of the Gangetic plain heartland of northern Indian Hinduism, Hindi literary culture, and, in the early twentieth century, of the revolutionary nationalist movement. His family was of modest means, his father a local official of no great prominence, and his education was the mixed vernacular-and-English schooling available to a boy of his class and position in a United Provinces town at the turn of the century.

Two formative influences shaped his early intellectual and political life. The first was the Arya Samaj — the reformist Hindu movement founded by Swami Dayananda Saraswati in 1875, which rejected what it saw as the corruptions and superstitions of popular Hinduism, advocated a return to Vedic teachings, promoted Hindi as a national language in opposition to Urdu and Persian, and had a strong tradition of social service and nationalist engagement. Through the Arya Samaj Bismil absorbed a form of Hindu nationalism that was reformist rather than traditionalist, and he became deeply involved in its activities as a young man. The second influence was the tradition of Urdu revolutionary and Sufi poetry — particularly the ghazal tradition — which he taught himself, and in which the pen name "Bismil" (wounded, slaughtered) located his voice within the convention of the poet as lover who suffers for the beloved, recast in his usage as the patriot who suffers and dies for the motherland.

He began writing poetry in his teens and was reading revolutionary nationalist literature — the works of the Ghadr Party, the writings produced by Bengali revolutionaries, the international revolutionary canon that circulated in translation through the nationalist underground — by the time he was in his late teens. He came into contact with Sachindra Nath Sanyal, one of the principal organisers of revolutionary nationalism in the United Provinces, and through Sanyal with the network of young men who would form the core of the Hindustan Republican Association. He also met, and formed the deep friendship that would define both their lives, with Ashfaqullah Khan — a Muslim from Shahjahanpur, son of a more prosperous family, whose personality was warmer and whose approach to life was more expansive than Bismil's own, and with whom Bismil's cross-communal revolutionary brotherhood became one of the most celebrated relationships in the nationalist memory of the period.

The Hindustan Republican Association: Building a Revolutionary Organisation

The Hindustan Republican Association was formally constituted in 1924, drawing together the revolutionary nationalist networks of the United Provinces and Bengal that had been building since the early 1920s. Its founding document — the "Revolutionary" — was drafted partly by Bismil and articulated the organisation's programme: the overthrow of British rule by armed revolution, the establishment of a federal republic of the United States of India, the abolition of all systems that exploited human beings. The document was influenced by Irish Republican and international socialist revolutionary thought as well as by the indigenous Indian revolutionary tradition.

Bismil was among the HRA's most active organisers, building cells in Shahjahanpur and across the United Provinces, recruiting young men, acquiring weapons, and raising the funds that the organisation's activities required. The HRA's primary immediate need was money — for weapons, for pamphlets, for the operational expenses of an underground organisation — and the organisation's leadership concluded that armed robbery of government property was the most appropriate means of acquiring it, combining operational necessity with a direct challenge to the colonial state's authority.

The Kakori plan grew from this conclusion. The railways in the United Provinces regularly transported government treasury funds, and a train carrying such funds could, with sufficient planning and sufficient numbers, be stopped and robbed. Bismil led the planning process, and the action was set for 9 August 1925 — a date that carried its own significance, being the anniversary of the Bal Gangadhar Tilak's death and a day already marked in the nationalist calendar.

9 August 1925: The Kakori Train Robbery

The No. 8 Down Train running between Shahjahanpur and Lucknow on the Saharanpur–Lucknow branch of the North Western Railway carried a government cash box on 9 August 1925. Ram Prasad Bismil and nine other HRA members boarded the train at various points along its route and, when it approached the Kakori station in what is now Uttar Pradesh, pulled the emergency chain to stop it. They broke open the guard's van, seized the government cash box — which contained approximately Rs. 4,600, a substantial but not enormous sum — and dispersed into the countryside.

The action was not entirely clean. A passenger named Ahmad Ali was accidentally killed during the robbery — shot in the confusion by one of the revolutionaries. This death complicated the political framing of the action: the government prosecuted the Kakori men not merely for robbery but for murder, and the death of an Indian civilian rather than a colonial officer made the moral calculus harder to present cleanly. Bismil and the HRA leadership had not intended civilian casualties; the accidental killing was precisely the kind of operational failure that distinguished revolutionary violence from the moral clarity the movement claimed for itself.

The robbery triggered the largest government response to revolutionary activity in the United Provinces since the post-1857 period. Hundreds of arrests were made; the colonial police dismantled HRA networks across the region; informers and intelligence operations tracked down fugitives. Bismil evaded capture for approximately ten weeks before he was arrested in October 1925. Ashfaqullah Khan escaped and remained free for longer — several months — before being betrayed and captured.

The Kakori Conspiracy Case: Trial and the Platform of Death

The Kakori Conspiracy Case was one of the major political trials of the 1920s. The government charged forty individuals; of these, four were sentenced to death, and the rest received sentences of varying severity — transportation for life, long terms of imprisonment. The defendants included Bismil, Ashfaqullah Khan, Roshan Singh, and Rajendra Lahiri, all of whom were sentenced to hang. The trial dragged on for nearly two years, becoming a public spectacle that the nationalist press covered extensively and that drew attention to the HRA's politics and the human qualities of the men on trial.

Bismil used the trial as Bhagat Singh would later use the Lahore Conspiracy Case — as a platform for political argument, as a demonstration that the men the government was prosecuting had acted from principle rather than criminality, and as an opportunity to speak to the Indian public over the heads of the colonial court. He conducted himself throughout with the consistency and dignity that his poetry had projected — the man in the dock was recognisably the same man who had written "Sarfaroshi ki tamanna ab hamare dil mein hai," and the continuity between the poetic voice and the courtroom presence was itself a kind of political statement.

He wrote his autobiography while imprisoned in Gorakhpur Jail awaiting execution — a substantial document that is one of the primary sources for the history of the HRA and for the development of revolutionary nationalism in the United Provinces in the early 1920s. It is a candid, intelligent, and occasionally self-critical account — not a hagiography but a genuine attempt to record and examine what he and his comrades had done and why. Its existence is itself a statement about the kind of revolutionary Bismil was: not simply a man of action but a man of reflection, who understood the importance of preserving the record of the movement he had helped build.

The Poetry: Sarfaroshi ki Tamanna and Its Meaning

The verse most associated with Ram Prasad Bismil — "Sarfaroshi ki tamanna ab hamare dil mein hai / Dekhna hai zor kitna baazu-e-qaatil mein hai" ("The desire for self-sacrifice now burns in our hearts / Let us see how much strength lies in the arm of the executioner") — is attributed by most literary scholars to Bismil Azimabadi, a different poet from Patna. Bismil appropriated it, published it in his collections, recited it at demonstrations and in prison, and made it so thoroughly his that the distinction has become largely academic in the cultural memory of the independence movement. The verse captured something he had discovered about himself and expressed something the movement needed: the explicit framing of death as not merely a risk to be accepted but a proof of commitment to be demonstrated, the reversal of the colonial power dynamic in which the executioner's strength was the measure of authority — challenged here by the revolutionary who says, show me what you have.

His own verse — unambiguously his — was equally powerful and has had its own long afterlife. "Mera rang de basanti chola" — "Dye my shroud in saffron, O Mother" — was sung at the gallows by those who came to witness his execution. The song recurs throughout nationalist cultural production across the twentieth century, and the film Rang De Basanti (2006), one of the most culturally significant Indian films about the independence movement, takes its title from this verse and builds its meditation on the relationship between the revolutionary generation of the 1920s and contemporary India around Bismil, Ashfaqullah Khan, and their comrades.

Bismil also wrote prose — revolutionary pamphlets, the autobiography, translations from English into Hindi and Urdu — and his contribution to the Hindi literary tradition is recognised alongside his political significance. He was working in a period when Hindi was being deliberately developed as a modern literary and political language in opposition to the Urdu-Persian tradition that the colonial administration had associated with Muslim culture, and his poetry contributed to that development. The irony that his closest comrade was Ashfaqullah Khan — a Muslim, an Urdu speaker, a man whose religious and cultural identity was precisely the one that the Hindu-Hindi nationalist tradition was defining itself against — was not lost on either man, and their friendship is itself a statement about what their revolution was actually for.

Bismil and Ashfaqullah Khan: The Brotherhood That Nationalism Remembers

The friendship between Ram Prasad Bismil and Ashfaqullah Khan is one of the most celebrated personal relationships in the history of the independence movement, and it has been celebrated precisely because it was improbable by the communal logic of the time and because both men knew it was improbable. Bismil was a Hindu from a family with Arya Samaj connections; Ashfaqullah was a Muslim from a more prosperous family. Their friendship bridged the communal divide that the colonial government exploited and that even the nationalist movement often struggled to transcend. They argued about religion — the accounts that survive suggest the arguments were real, not merely rhetorical — and they remained inseparable until their deaths.

When Bismil was arrested in 1925, Ashfaqullah Khan remained free for longer, partly because he had not been at Kakori and the evidence against him was initially less direct. He went underground, moved through different parts of India, and was eventually captured in February 1926 — betrayed, the family always believed, by an informer. He was tried in the Kakori Case and sentenced to death. Both men were hanged on 19 December 1927 — Bismil at Gorakhpur, Ashfaqullah at Faizabad, on the same day, separately. The logistics of colonial justice kept them apart at the end, as it had tried to keep them apart throughout their lives. It did not succeed in separating their memory: they are remembered together, as the Hindu-Muslim revolutionary friendship that the independence movement held up as proof that what it was fighting for was possible.

19 December 1927: Gorakhpur Jail

Ram Prasad Bismil was hanged at Gorakhpur District Jail on 19 December 1927. He was thirty years old. By the accounts that survive from those present, he went to the gallows calmly — reciting verse, expressing no visible fear, conducting himself with the equanimity that his poetry had promised and that his imprisonment had apparently confirmed. The colonial government had hoped that executing the Kakori men would deter the revolutionary movement; the executions had the opposite effect. The deaths of Bismil, Ashfaqullah Khan, Roshan Singh, and Rajendra Lahiri in December 1927 radicalised a generation of young nationalists, including Bhagat Singh, who cited the Kakori martyrs as direct inspiration for the HSRA's subsequent activities and specifically for the Saunders killing that was itself framed as retribution for the colonial government's violence.

Bismil was cremated at the Rajghat on the banks of the Rapti River near Gorakhpur. His ashes were immersed there. A memorial has been built at the site. Shahjahanpur — his birthplace — honours him with a museum and with the annual commemorations that mark 19 December as the day the Kakori martyrs died. The postage stamp issued in his honour in 1968 was part of a series commemorating the revolutionaries of the independence movement; the series placed him alongside the figures who had cited him as their inspiration. The verse he made his own — "Sarfaroshi ki tamanna ab hamare dil mein hai" — is still sung at independence day events across India, still recited at demonstrations when people are trying to say something about what it means to want something so much that you are willing to die for it. It has not become merely ceremonial. It still means what it said in 1927: here is the arm of the executioner; show me what you have.


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